Saturday, May 7, 2011

Maoist Menace Kills SIX BENGALI Scheduled Caste Refugees in Chandrapur, Maharashtra but Brahaminical Bengal has NO REACTION and EXCLUDED Communities MOST HINDUISED are ALSO Indulged in Brahaminical Power Politcs are also DETACHED. Mind You, Bengali M


Maoist Menace Kills SIX BENGALI Scheduled Caste  Refugees in Chandrapur, Maharashtra but Brahaminical Bengal has NO REACTION and EXCLUDED Communities MOST HINDUISED are ALSO Indulged in Brahaminical Power Politcs are also DETACHED. Mind You, Bengali Media is ULTRA SENSITIVE about Bengalies outside Bengal! Matua Mamata SILENT as Maoist Leader Kishanji DECLARES Support for the BRAHMIN KANYA in the Hegemony Civil War!Mamata and her train consisted of CIVIL Society, Intelligentsia and Media  Pose Super Sensitive about the People in JUNGLE Mahal, Bengal but they are NOT Concerned a little bit about ABORIN HUMANSCAPE Countrywide subjected to ETHNIC CLEANSING. Moreover Mamata banks on UPA support to accomplish the agenda of PARIBARTAN and Has NOT as yet OPPOSED ECONOMIC REFORMS and LPG Mafia!


Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - SIX HUNDRED THIRTY ONE

Palash Biswas

http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/


http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/


Maoist Menace Kills SIX BENGALI Scheduled Caste  Refugees in Chandrapur, Maharashtra but Brahaminical Bengal has NO REACTION and EXCLUDED Communities MOST HINDUISED are ALSO Indulged in Brahaminical Power Politcs are also DETACHED. Mind You, Bengali Media is ULTRA SENSITIVE about Bengalies outside Bengal! Matua Mamata SILENT as Maoist Leader Kishanji DECLARES Support for the BRAHMIN KANYA in the Hegemony Civil War!Mamata and her train consisted of CIVIL Society, Intelligentsia and Media  Pose Super Sensitive about the People in JUNGLE Mahal, Bengal but they are NOT Concerned a little bit about ABORIN HUMANSCAPE Countrywide subjected to ETHNIC CLEANSING. Moreover Mamata banks on UPA support to accomplish the agenda of PARIBARTAN and Has NOT as yet OPPOSED ECONOMIC REFORMS and LPG Mafia!

I have been in the Bengali Settlement areas in Chandrapur, Garchiroli and Gondia districts of Maharashtra. All over in Dandakaranya, in all the Five states, Bengali SC Refugees, most of them being Matua, have been resettled in Forest areas and PITTED against Tribal Population. The Maoists also USE the tribals against Bengali Refugees as the Brahaminical parties do! Last February, I had an opportunty to address All India Convention of the Tribal people where I discussed the topic and suggested that Refugee Tribal Co ordination committes should be set at every level. The convention passed the RESOLUTION. But Maoist Brahaminical elements divide the Centarl India Demography quite vertically and our people, the SC, ST and OBC communities are destined to PERISH in Corporate Maoist CROSS Fire. The Kilers are aborigin as well as the VICTIMS. It makes the COMPLETE Terror ZONE quite FERTILE for MONOPOLISTIC Corporate MNC and LPG Mafia Aggression. POSCO and VEDANTA Projects go ahead despite Maoists super Activism in Orissa and Chhattisgarah as well as Jharkhand have been Handed over to India Incs and MNCs thanks to Maoist Menace! It is the same story all over DANDAKARANY.


A vehicle that suspected Maoists blew up with a landmine yesterday was carrying not plainclothes policemen as they may have thought but a groom headed for his wedding with his relatives.

Six people lay dead while four, including the 24-year-old groom, were grievously injured when the Tata Sumo carrying a Bengali family's barjatri was blown up on a highway in eastern Maharashtra's Gadchiroli district.Among the dead were three women and a five-year-old who was sleeping in his mother's lap, police said on the basis of the injured occupants' accounts.


Meanwhile,in a press statement issued to a Bengali television news channel in Kolkata, a Maoist leader claiming himself as 'Kishenji' has said the people could cast their votes in the next two phase "without any fear" to oust the CPM despite the fact that the Maoists' have a given a call for boycott of the polls. "If you want to cast your vote, you can vote. We have called for poll boycott as we do not believe in parliamentary democracy. But, you should vote to oust the CPM from the state. You know whom you have to vote," a release issued in his name stated. 'Kishenji' also criticised Trinamool chief Mamata Banerjee for not taking a clear stand on Junglemahal. "Mamata Banerjee never came clean on the situation in Junglemahal," the statement read.

In what seems a case of mistaken identity, the Naxals triggered a powerful landmine blast on Gadchiroli-Rajnandgaon road near Tavitola village, around 50km from Gadchiroli killing six civilians and injuring four others. The victims, all of whom were members of a marriage party, were travelling in a Tata Sumo jeep to Chandrapur from Rajnandgaon in Chhattisgarh for a marriage ceremony, when the incident took place on Thursday afternoon. The marriage was slated to be held later in the evening.

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  1. Mallojula Koteswara Rao - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Gadchiroli superintendent of police S Vireesh Prabhu, said, "It is very shocking the way Naxals didn't bother to check on their target before triggering the blast." Naxals are learnt to have followed up the blast with constant firing on the victims, he added.

That the attack was a case of mistaken identity is something the police do not want to comment on immediately. Prabhu said facts were being gathered at present.

Telegraph reports:

Reports reaching Nagpur, 220km from the blast spot, said about 20 relatives and friends were accompanying Manoram Sarkar to his wedding, scheduled for 9pm at Chandrapur. Their two Tata Sumos had set off around 10am from Rajnandgaon town.

The explosion took place between the villages of Yerkad and Tawetola in a thickly forested area along the state highway.

Officers said they were investigating whether the Maoists may have mistaken the vehicles' occupants as policemen in civil dress.

The Sumo that was hit was the second of the two, and was carrying the groom and nine others. "Apparently, they allowed the first vehicle to pass unharmed and targeted the second," Gadchiroli superintendent of police Viresh Prabhu said.

In 2006, the Maoists had similarly targeted wedding guests in the Kasansur area of Gadchiroli district and killed 11 people, for which the CPI (Maoist) zonal committee had later tendered a public apology.

Yesterday's blast killed driver Raees, 28, and five of the groom's relatives: Tarulata Sarkar, 70, Shankar Biswas, 30, Santosh Verma, 45, Pushpalata Santosh Verma, 42, and Aakash Santosh Verma, 5.

One of the four injured, a 60-year-old woman (identified only as Mrs Roy), is serious but out of danger, the police said. The groom and two relatives — Meeta Biswas, 38, and her daughter Eshika, 11 — suffered minor injuries but "are totally shattered".

Reports from Chandrapur said the bride's family was sunk in gloom. The bride's father, Jagannath Sarkar, a truck driver, sent a group of relatives to Gadchiroli as the news reached him this afternoon. Manoram was to marry the eldest of his three daughters, Deepti, in an event to which only close relatives had been invited.

"He is a poor man and had spent his savings on this marriage," the local media quoted Sarkar's neighbour, Savita Haldar. "The family was very happy this morning since it was their first wedding."
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110506/jsp/nation/story_13946414.jsp
Kishenji: Public enemy who's impossible to trace
Sandeep Phukan, Sampad Mahapatra, Tuesday February 16, 2010, Bhubaneswar
Kishenji - one of India's most-wanted fugitives - carries out some of the country's most vicious attacks, almost with impunity.

After 24 policemen were massacred in West Midnapore on Tuesday, many of them burnt alive in their tents, Kishenji told NDTV: "This was our revenge for Operation Green Hunt and Mr Chidambaram should withdraw his forces." (Read: Naxals massacre 24 cops |Chidambaram livid)

Kishenji, born Koteshwar Rao, calls up TV channels at will. A few months ago, he even released a policeman kidnapped by his cadres on camera.

Yet, security agencies insist they can't find him. Intelligence reports suggest he operates on the Bengal-Jharkhand border. But nobody is willing to confirm his location. "You in the media, yourself, always keep on saying that he is operating out of Bengal. How can i accept or confirm that he is anywhere in Jharkhand?" says J B Tubid, Jharkhand's Home Secretary.

Kishenji has taken reporters on tours of his camps deep inside West Bengal's jungles. They've been allowed to film these trips. (Read & Watch: Kishenji speaks to NDTV)

But the media-savvy Naxal is equally astute at disappearing without a trace.

He uses a mobile phone, not a satellite phone. GPRS systems can give the exact location of a sat phone user but mobile phones only indicate the closest mobile phone tower. He changes his mobile number often.

But sources point out that even if Kishenji's coordinates are known, a direct assault is difficult because a human shield always surrounds him.

Villagers and Naxal sympathisers often act as a buffer zone, helping to alert him long before forces can creep up on him.

And then there's a basic ID issue. Security agencies don't have a recent image of Kishenji - so recognizing him is not easy

Kishenji has proven time and time again that he slips easily between different states. This is why, the government says, it's critical for all states affected by Naxals - like Orissa, Jharkhand, West Bengal - to coordinate their offensives against Maoists.

Easier said than done. Last week, at a meeting in Kolkata chaired by Home minister P Chidambaram, two of four chief ministers scheduled to attend didn't show up. A joint and very public enemy apparently does not automatically merit cooperation. (Read: Two of 4 CMs skip crucial meet on Naxal threat)
*








http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/kishenji_public_enemy_whos_impossible_to_trace.php
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As polling ended on Saturday evening in Burdwan and in three Maoist-affected districts in southern Bengal - Purulia, Bankura, and West Midnapore - covering 38 assembly constituencies and some 7.8 million voters, the heavy turnout of 82.2%, in keeping with the trend of high turnouts so far, isn't the story of the day!

What made this penultimate phase special was that it was the Election Commission's (EC) first encounter with the Maoist belt and the Trinamool Congress' encounter with a Left stronghold. And that the elections were held peacefully. The people cheered the EC and central forces for ensuring that "polling is free" after many years.

This is also the region that has tended to vote against Mamata Banerjee's party, even when the rest of the state has appeared to favour her. Thus, in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, she didn't win a single of the 13 LS seats in the regions; while in the previous 2006 assembly polls, it was the Left that swept 38 seats, with the Trinamool and Congress winning just 3 (in 2006, the area had 41 seats).

Will Mamata's slogan calling for a change in 2011 make a difference will be known on May 13, when the results are announced. But what must give Mamata hope is the fact that elections were held peacefully, thus allowing voters to cast their votes without fear of retribution.

Moreover, there is also the fact that in this belt where the Maoists' diktats do count, Maoist leader Kishanji had declared before the polls that the voters should shun the Left. This might just prove the clincher for the Trinamool and its ally Congress.
Of course, keeping the elections peaceful was ensured with the might of the State. Two helicopters carried out aerial surveillance in the forest areas and remote corners of the region while around 550-600 companies of central paramilitary forces were deployed on ground.

Left unshaken in red earth, so is poverty
MANINI CHATTERJEE
*


Bankura, May 6: As you turn off the expressway just before Durgapur and then cross the long bridge spanning the Damodar and enter the district of Bankura, the landscape changes completely.
The lush green of Hooghly and Burdwan give way to a harsh and arid topography — fields are few and far between, herds of bedraggled sheep graze on the scrubland, patches of sal forests appear and the undulating red laterite terrain gets more rocky and hilly the further inwards you go.
Politically, too, it had been different in Bankura, parts of which go to the polls tomorrow. Bankura, famous for its iconic terracotta horse and baluchari sarees, kept at bay the"poribortoner hawa" that began blowing through Bengal since 2008 and that is why the CPM's district headquarters wears an air of smug complacency.
At the reception, we overhear an elderly comrade telling former MP Shamik Lahiri with boyish glee: "Kono chinta nei, ekhane chhoy hobe, chhoy." He later explains to us: "Here, we don't score in ones or twos, nor even fours, here we only hit sixers." In other words, the Left will win all 12 Assembly seats in the district as it almost always has.
A little later, CPM district secretary Amiya Patra says much the same thing. Is Bankura, too, up against the winds of change? "Poriborton hobe — margin aaro baarbe" (There will be change — we will increase our margin), he says, absolutely confident that the Party will do even better than before this time.
He has history on his side. Since 1977, the CPM has made a clean sweep of Bankura in both Lok Sabha and Assembly elections seven times in a row. Before delimitation, Bankura had 13 Assembly constituencies and the CPM had lost the Bankura seat — thanks to its urban areas — in 1982 and 2001. In 2006, it hit a "sixer" again and bagged all 13 seats.
In the 2008 panchayat polls when much of Bengal reeled under the Singur-Nandigram effect, the CPM and its allies managed to win 144 of the 190 gram panchayats, all 22 panchayat samitis and an overwhelming 41 of the 43 seats in the zilla parishad. In 2009, the CPM won both the Lok Sabha seats — Bankura and Bishnupur, the former represented by the CPM's parliamentary party leader, Basudeb Acharya. Acharya led in 11 of the 12 Assembly segments, trailing only in Bankura town by 6,500 votes. "We will make that up in this innings," says the grey-haired comrade at the reception who revels in cricketing analogy.
Left sympathisers, in search of a bit of Red hope, may find succour in these glorious electoral statistics. But if they travel through interior Bankura, the more sensitive among them may also be driven to deep despair — because the stark truth is that even after 34 years of Left Front rule and uninterrupted CPM dominance, the levels of poverty and under-development are staggering.
According to the West Bengal Human Development Report published in 2004, in terms of income Bankura ranked second from the bottom, outranked only by neighbouring Purulia, also a CPM bastion.
Bankura, however, beat Purulia in having more than 50 per cent people living below the poverty line in both rural and urban areas. In Bankura, the number of households living below the poverty line in rural areas was 59.62 per cent and in urban areas 52.38 per cent. In Purulia, rural poverty figures are much higher (78.72 per cent) but in urban areas just 6.47 per cent. Contrast this with another neighbour — Burdwan's figures were 18.99 per cent (rural) and 17 per cent (urban.)
These figures are almost a decade old, but if things have improved in Bankura there is little to show for it on the ground. In Guruputua village that falls under the Chhatna seat, all the 50-odd houses barring two are mud hovels inhabited by agricultural workers who make Rs 50 a day when they get work at all. Some of them have "job cards" and get MNREGA work — mostly digging ponds — but only get work for 15 days a year, not hundred. A group of villagers, thinking we have something to offer, tell us they desperately need a tubewell. The only one around is in disrepair and others, far away, are also running dry.
"Money comes from above but it never reaches us," one of the villagers complains, refusing to give names. And yet despite their dismal lives, they tell us they know no other party but the CPM, no other symbol but "kaaste hathuri tara" and cannot think of giving up what they have always done — vote for the CPM.
But elsewhere things are changing. In Chhatna town, where there is less abject poverty, we listen in on a raging debate between Trinamul and CPM supporters, centred on the issue of development. Bankim Mitra, who has stopped for a cup of tea, has bagfuls of Trinamul posters and is confident that the CPM will lose half a dozen seats in Bankura this time because people are finally rising up against the deprivation that has clung to their lives for so long.
"The people of Bankura are very hard working. They can turn this land into gold if only there was irrigation in these parts. But the government has done nothing all these years, we are still dependent on the monsoons, and that is the main cause of so much poverty," he says.
Shibdas Rai, the chai shop owner and local CPM worker, butts in. "We have done a lot. We have built colleges, schools," he says, but before he can complete the sentence, Mitra says: "What's the point of schools, when the teaching is so bad? Half the time, the teachers have to go off to join CPM michchils. Even a higher secondary pass cannot read and write properly in the villages."
Rai soldiers on. In the face of a chorus of voices backing Mitra, Rai admits that "lack of irrigation and absence of industry" have kept the region poor but lists other achievements of the government --- building 'pucca" houses for the poor under the Indira Awas Yojana, providing work under the "100 day scheme", mid-day meals in schools. He is entirely oblivious of the fact that they are all central government schemes.
And what is more ironic is that it is these very schemes that are fuelling a very vocal rage in many parts of Bankura today. Since poverty here is so widespread and even the best government schemes cannot reach everyone, all those left out feel doubly deprived and accuse the CPM of partisanship in choosing the beneficiaries.
As we crisscross through half a dozen Assembly constituencies --- Barjora, Bankura, Chhatna, Saltora, Sonamukhi, Bishnupur --- in the district, this is one recurring complaint, a complaint we have heard often enough in other parts of Bengal but never as forcefully as in these parts where under-development is endemic and sources of income few.
In Jambedia village of Barjora, an area where water is scarce and rampaging wild elephants routinely destroy the meagre crops that the parched land yields, Shanti Karmakar cannot contain his anger against the CPM. His main ire is that "CPM cadres corner all the benefits" --- they are the ones who get houses under the Indira Awas Yojana even if they are rich while the "real poor" are bereft of BPL benefits. Everyone around him agrees.
In Bondolhati village that falls under Sonamukhi, Sheikh Niyamat Ali says the same thing. "The government has so many schemes but it never reaches us. The only people who have gained are members of the Party."
In Sonamukhi town, a large group of men surrounds us and there is only one man who insists that the CPM will win all 12 seats. All the others are vociferously rooting for change. "The CPM thinks nothing has changed. But take it from me, this time they will lose six and win six," says 21-year-old Ganesh Shaha, giving a new twist to the "sixer" metaphor.
And why will the CPM win six seats if the Party's dolotontro (cadre raj) is so widespread? "That's because they still have complete hold in the most backward seats, dominated by Adivasis and Scheduled Castes, seats such as Kotulpur, Indus, Ranibandh and Raipur," he tells us, admitting that the Trinamul has yet to make inroads among the most wretched of this bit of red earth.
In Deohati village which is part of Saltora constituency, Narayan Mondol agrees. "The CPM keeps winning here because the people are too poor and illiterate and lack political consciousness.
"Things are changing now and there are many people like me who have seen through the CPM's false promises. But do you know what --- I am not sure even my wife will listen to me. I have been telling her about dui phool but she is so used to the CPM symbol, she might end up pressing it."
He goes on to say: "Look at Kerala -- the people there are educated and that is why they keep changing their government every five years. The CPM cannot take them for granted."
He has a point. Bankura's backwardness stems partly from its inhospitable geography but the CPM's repeated victories and resultant complacency have certainly added to it.
The Kerala model, then, might be the best thing for Bankura --- and indeed Bengal --- from the point of view of both development and democracy.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110507/jsp/frontpage/story_13951263.jsp

Factory factor
If the industry dream is the pivot around which this Bengal election is swinging, nowhere is the see-saw between hope and despair as stark as in the 11 seats in Left citadel Burdwan's industrial belt. While the Left is holding up the Aerotropolis, the upcoming airport city, as the symbol of hope, Trinamul is banking on the despair over the serial factory closures of the past decade
*


The road cutting through the barren, undulating landscape towards the CPM's Khandra office in Andal takes a sharp turn to the left. A nationalised bank, a few houses with grey exteriors, hutments and a school stand at the intersection that leads on to vast stretches of land, fenced with barbed wire.
A few dumpers arrive. An L&T-Komatsu excavator stands imposingly on a tract of land that flattens out in the shape of a runway. At a distance, a green-and-white tin shed buzzes to life as labourers and contractors gather in the evening.
There are no signboards to welcome one to Aerotropolis, the Rs 10,000-crore project across 3,500 acres that is shaping up to become India's first greenfield airport city. But the villagers from neighbouring Patswora, Baguri, Ichhapur and Aarati have been told that this is where there future lies.
How successfully the state government can sell this dream will decide the Left Front's fate this election in the industrial belt of Burdwan, which is grappling with serial industrial closures over the past decade.
A quick survey reveals that the dream has takers among some villagers, at least.
*

Schoolteacher Abed Ali with son Khairul and daughter Reshma at their home in Amlouka village. Abed has given up 15 acres for the Aerotropolis project (in background picture) in Andal. Pictures by Sanat Kumar Sinha



"I gave up 15 acres for the Aerotropolis project because it represents the hopes of our next generation," says Abed Ali, a 48-year-old primary school teacher, at his one-storey home in Amlouka village.
"I ensured that my daughter and son got a diploma in computer applications after graduating, because the jobs that come up will demand superior skills."
His son Khairul Anum, a 24-year-old arts graduate, hopes to land a software job in Aerotropolis. Ali's daughter Reshma hopes that once the area develops and new educational institutions come up, she will find employment in a school.
It is these aspirations of the younger generation that the ruling Left hopes to ride across the 11 Assembly constituencies between Durgapur and Kulti.
Bangshogopal Chaudhuri, the CPM member of Parliament from Asansol, says: "Aerotropolis will redefine connectivity between Ranchi and Calcutta. Then, there is the Export Promotion Industrial Park (spread over 148 acres in Durgapur), which is one of the biggest infrastructure projects for industry in these parts."
He adds: "We have reopened the Bengal Paper Mill in Ranigunj. Over 80 medium-scale ancillary units have already set up plants in Kalyanpur, off Asansol, following IISCO's revival."
Yet, for many people across this industrial belt, the government's list of failures is not easy to ignore.
Five years after IISCO secured a Rs 14,464-crore modernisation package, a large section of the people are still talking about the closures of Bharat Ophthalmic Glass Limited, Sen Raleigh Cycle Corporation, Pilkington Glass and Dhakeswari Cotton Mill.
Over 10,000 people lost direct and indirect employment when these units downed their shutters owing to a variety of reasons, from lack of market penetration to obsolete technology.
"Even die-hard Left supporters know that the state government has not made serious efforts over the last three decades to help this part of Bengal," says Rajiv Das, 34, of Ushagram in Asansol.
Das, the son of a former Cycle Corporation employee, earns a living repairing batteries for heavy vehicles, including buses, minibuses and trucks.
It's this sense of despair that the Trinamul Congress is trying to cash in on. It is playing up Mamata Banerjee's string of offerings, including the proposed wagon factories in Andal and Kulti and the revival of Burn Standard following last year's takeover by the railways.
Burn Standard, located opposite IISCO in Burnpur, now has 650 permanent and 245 temporary employees on its rolls. Even Ashok Mukherjee, the CPM candidate from Asansol South, cannot deny the success story.
"Yes, it has been a success but we too did our bit by extracting a modernisation deal for IISCO. The problem is with the public perception. A few days ago, the contractors and Burn Standard staff received their arrears and suddenly there was celebration all over. Everyone was told that it had happened because of Trinamul," Mukherjee said.
Trinamul leaders also cite Mamata's decision to raise the manufacturing capacity of Chittaranjan Locomotive Works from 150 to 275 electric locomotives a year. While Andal will solely be a railway initiative, the factory in Kulti will be a RITES- SAIL joint venture with a proposed investment of around Rs 205 crore in two phases.
The industrial belt has so far remained loyal to the Left. In 2006, Trinamul won only one Assembly seat, Kulti, among the 11. In the 2009 Lok Sabha polls, Bongshogopal won from Asansol by more than 70,000 votes, underscoring the CPM's support base in the region at a time the Left suffered across most of Bengal.
Now Bongshogopal and state industries minister Nirupam Sen, a native of Burdwan, are trying to bring in more investment to the region.
Sen cites how the government convinced the Matix group to set up a greenfield fertiliser project in Panagarh over 419 acres with an estimated project cost of Rs 4,800 crore.
"We are getting investors like Johnson and Johnson, Siemens and Tantia Construction for the industrial park in Panagarh, and that's indeed a success," says Sen.
Bongshogopal adds that the Asansol-Durgapur Development Authority has offered land to the Mining and Allied Machinery Corporation in Durgapur to try and revive the unit. Talks have been initiated so that the 140 acres with the Sen Raleigh factory can be taken over for housing and industry.
Amal Haldar, the CPM's Burdwan secretary, says the government's efforts have impressed voters —- a claim dismissed by district Trinamul president and Asansol North candidate Moloy Ghatak.
"No one believes the CPM's claims of reviving industry since the Marxists themselves were responsible for the closure of so many units here. They did nothing when the industrial belt was losing its sheen," Ghatak says.
He alleges that the local coal belt is ruled by a mafia patronised by the ruling party. He also highlights the mushrooming of sponge-iron units that he says thrive on illegal coal trade.
"Leaving aside the Barabani and Ranigunj Assembly constituencies, where the Left is still strong, we expect to sweep the polls in the rest of the industrial belt in Burdwan," Ghatak says.
KINSUK BASU IN ASANSOL


http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110507/jsp/bengal/story_13951035.jsp

Maoist shadow over Didi campaign
Ravik Bhattacharya and Koushik Dutta, Hindustan Times
Jhargram, May 07, 2011  Email to Author
First Published: 13:50 IST(7/5/2011)
Last Updated: 16:40 IST(7/5/2011)

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Trinamool Congress Supremo Mamata Banerjee addresses a rally at Lalgarh in West Midnapur....

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Use the ballot to give a fitting reply to the Netai bullets of January 7, Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee urged at an election rally in Jhargram on Friday. "The CPI(M) has killed people in Netai in the same way it did in Nandigram. Reply to their bullets with the ballot," Banerjee said, add

ressing the constituency that is offering the most fascinating fight in the last stage of the six-phase Bengal polls.

While she directed most of her energy and rhetoric at the CPI(M), the Trinamool chief also argued her case against former spokesman of the Maoist-backed Peoples' Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA) Chhatradhar Mahato, who is contesting as an Independent from the seat.

Although she refrained from mentioning Mahato by name, Banerjee said, "Please don't vote for the candidate who will indirectly help the CPI(M)."

Although the CPI(M) and Trinamool have already nominated their candidates for Jhargram, both parties have been overshadowed by Mahato, the most prominent face in the fight for tribal rights in West Bengal and the only candidate in the country fighting the polls with charges under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act slapped against him.

On Tuesday, Banerjee's main political rival, chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, addressed a rally in Jhargram. "We have to defeat the Maoists, the PCAPA and the Trinamool as well. Maoists have formed a group called the PCAPA. What peoples' committee is it? It's a killers' committee," the chief minister said, adding, "The Trinamool's victory means a Maoist victory."

"Those who allege that we have an understanding with them (the Maoists) are lying. We have no relationship with them. The allies of the CPI(M) are contesting against us. Giving them even one vote will strengthen their hand," Banerjee said, refuting Bhattacharjee's allegations.

Mahato, currently in Midnapore central jail, held a press conference on the jail premises on Friday where he lamented the association between Banerjee and the Congress.

"It's unfortunate that the Trinamool Congress has allied itself with the forces (the Congress) that have helped the CPI(M) remain in power for so long," Mahato said, while explaining his candidature.

He justified his stand of contesting the elections in Jhargram constituency from behind bars, saying that the Trinamool chief had gained ground in the region only with the PCAPA's support. Interestingly, the statements came just minutes after Banerjee's public meeting in Jhargram.

"She's betrayed the cause of the people of Jangalmahal," Mahato said, justifying his decision to contest against the Trinamool candidate in Jhargram. This is the first time that Mahato has spoken out against the Trinamool chief since filing his nomination.

"Now, she's accusing me of strengthening the hands of the CPI(M). What's she doing?" Mahato asked, minutes after Banerjee accused him of weakening the Trinamool's cause by standing against the party's Jhargram candidate and asked the people not to give him a single vote.

Mahato said the Trinamool chief had betrayed the aspirations of people of Jangalmahal. "Once, she was with us. We gave her all our support here. Has she forgotten that? How can she say all this now?" Mahato said.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/Maoist-shadow-over-Didi-campaign/Article1-694521.aspx

Mamata charges CPI(M) with spreading terror in Jangal Mahal

SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
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Trinamool chief promises to release those held under "false charges"
Alleging that the Communist Party of India (Marxist) was perpetrating atrocities on people in the Jangal Mahal area with the help of local authorities, Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee on Friday said those arrested on false charges of being left-wing extremists would be released after her party came to power in West Bengal.
Addressing an election rally at Jhargram in Paschim Medinipur district, parts of which have been affected by Maoist violence, she charged the Left Front government with "bringing Maoists" into the region.
Ms. Banerjee, who has been rubbishing the Left charges that her party has links with Maoists, defended the Trinamool decision to support those "who had suffered police excesses, which led to a movement (subsequently taken over by the Maoist-backed Police Santrash Birodhi Janasadharaner Committee)," in the wake of the landmine explosion during Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's return from Salbani in November 2008.
The Chief Minister "is scared of confronting the people in both Jangal Mahal and the hills [of Darjeeling]," Ms. Banerjee alleged.
At another rally at Nayagram, she claimed: "I will solve the problems of Jangal Mahal and the hills after I win the elections."
Exhorting the people "to put the final nail in the coffin of the CPI(M) in the sixth and last phase of the Assembly elections (to be held in the Jangal Mahal area on May 10), she said the region would be free of "terror" and "all atrocities will come to an end" once her party came to power. Ms. Banerjee accused the Left Front also of diverting Central funds into its own coffers even as she claimed that in 82 blocks (out of the 341 in the State) "people cannot have even one proper meal a day."
Keywords: West Bengal polls, Left Front, Trinamool
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article1997237.ece

Pro-Naxal leader gives tough time to CPM in WB

IANS

Posted on May 07, 2011 at 11:31am IST

Jhargram (West Bengal): He is a jailed pro-Maoist leader, accused in at least 31 cases, who has stepped into the democratic process. Chhatradhar Mahato's entry into the electoral fray in this Maoist hotbed poses a tough challenge, admits his Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPM) opponent.
Chhatradhar, the founder convenor of the Peoples' Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA), who spearheaded the Lalgarh movement in West Midnapore district, is contesting as an independent. And West Bengal's ruling party is worried about its chances in retaining the Jhargram assembly seat in the district.
"Chhatradhar Mahato's decision to participate in the democratic process and his recent statement that he will fight for the cause of the tribal people and against imperialism, corruption and atrocities have strengthened his support base among the tribals. He is my main opponent in this election," said CPM leader and sitting Jhargram legislator Amar Basu.
Jhargram goes to the polls on May 10 along with 13 other Maoist-affected constituencies in the last round of the six-phased elections. An electorate of 184,109 are eligible to cast their votes in 201 polling stations amid tight security.
Chhatradhar, who was jailed October 2009, is an accused in at least 31 cases under the Indian Penal Code (IPC), Arms Act and the Unlawful Activities (prevention) Act (UAPA).
"I have been campaigning in Jhargram against Chhatradhar's activities. Even if he gets elected would he be able to initiate development in the area when he himself is behind bars," wondered Basu. "The law and order situation of Jhargram, which witnessed a series of Maoist attacks and killings of hundreds of CPM leaders that forced several others to flee their houses in fear, has improved recently," he said.
Chhatradhar, now lodged in the Midnapore central correctional home, has entrusted his close aide and successor Manoj Mahato with the job of canvassing and countering the CPM propaganda. "We (PCAPA members) are very enthusiastic about Chhatradhar's decision to contest the polls. We are campaigning from dawn to dusk in the area. We are very confident of his victory," said Manoj.
A 74-point manifesto has been issued. It includes demands for restoration of peace and rule of law in the area, forest rights for tribals, development and a judicial inquiry into the killing of 240 people in "false" police encounters, including PCAPA president Lalmohan Tudu.
"We have appealed to intellectuals and civil society members who supported us during the Lalgarh movement to extend their support and campaign for Mahato. Already, Magsaysay awardee Mahasweta Devi, poet Sankha Ghosh and theatre personality Kaushik Sen have responded to our appeal and issued a leaflet appealing to people to vote for Mahato," said Manoj.
Some of them might be visiting Jhargram too to campaign for Chhatradhar.
Sen said it was good news that Chhatradhar was showing respect for democracy but he had decided not to campaign for any party.
"I have not voted this time and I think both the ruling and main opposition parties are not suitable enough to rule the state," said Sen, adding that he and Ghosh had signed a leaflet in support of Chhatradhar's candidature.
Chhatradhar had grabbed media headlines during the Lalgarh movement when his organisation opposed deployment of state police and central forces for conducting the 2009 Lok Sabha polls in entire Lalgarh, about 200 km west of Kolkata.
Lalgarh hit the headlines in 2008 when a landmine exploded on the route of the convoy of Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and two then central ministers - Ram Vilas Paswan and Jitin Prasada.
Alleging police atrocities after the blast, the Maoists, alongside the PCAPA, had launched an agitation and made the area a virtual "free zone" by torching police camps and offices of the ruling communists and driving out the civil administration.

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/pronaxal-leader-gives-tough-time-to-cpm-in-wb/151534-37-64.html


Buddhadeb: Trinamool must be defeated to defeat the Maoists

ANANYA DUTTA
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'Trinamool, Maoists and PSBJC are working in cooperation and coordination'
Alleging that the Maoists, the Trinamool Congress, and the Maoist-backed Police Santrash Birodhi Janasadharaner Committee (PSBJC) were working "in political coordination," West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee said here on Friday that it was imperative that the Trinamool be defeated in the ongoing Assembly elections to drive the Maoists out of the State.
"We must defeat the Trinamool Congress in order to defeat the Maoists," Mr. Bhattacharjee told journalists. He said the three forces — the Trinamool, Maoists and the PSBJC — were "working in cooperation and coordination" in the Maoist-affected regions.
Speaking about the 14 constituencies in the rebel-affected Jangal Mahal region — in parts of Bankura, Purulia and Paschim Medinipur districts, which go to the polls in the last phase of the elections on May 10 — Mr. Bhattacharjee said that "often, the Maoist problem is confused to be a development issue, but lack of development is not the only reason for the situation."
On whether the January 7 killings in Netai in Paschim Medinipur district, in which several local leaders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) are accused, will impact the elections in Jangal Mahal, he said the issue was unlikely to have any bearing.
"In Jangal Mahal, development and the violence perpetrated by the Maoists are the main issues for the people there. The people want to see the last of the Maoists and the results of the elections will reflect it," he said.

'ALREADY IMPLEMENTED'

On the development package for the region proposed by the Trinamool, Mr. Bhattacharjee said: "They are promising a package; we are already implementing a package."

He pointed to the distribution of patta land to 27,000 tribals and subsidies on forest products, apart from programmes in education and health, to substantiate his claim. He added that development activities there, which had been stalled for sometime, were back in full swing.

Stating that attempts were being made to intimidate voters and disrupt the CPI(M)'s political programme in the region, Mr. Bhattacharjee appealed to the people to cast their votes in this "important election."

On whether the poll boycott called by the Maoists would affect voter turnout, he said the people "will simply ignore their call" and cast their votes as they had done on previous occasions.

Keywords: West Bengal Assembly elections

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article1997239.ece

জঙ্গলমহল ঘিরে কৌশলের লড়াই

'নির্ভয়ে' ভোট দিতে ডাক বুদ্ধ-মমতার

নিজস্ব প্রতিবেদন

মাওবাদীদের 'ভীতি' উপেক্ষা করে জঙ্গলমহলের মানুষকে ভোট দিতে আহ্বান জানালেন মুখ্যমন্ত্রী বুদ্ধদেব ভট্টাচার্য। একই দিনে তৃণমূল নেত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ও আবেদন জানালেন সিপিএমের 'হার্মাদ' বা 'অন্য কারও' কথা না-শুনে 'নির্ভয়ে, নিজের ভোট নিজে' দেওয়ার জন্য।

তফাত একটাই। মুখ্যমন্ত্রী আবেদন করলেন দলের রাজ্য দফতর আলিমুদ্দিন ষ্ট্রিটে বসে সাংবাদিক সম্মেলন মারফত। মমতা আবেদন জানালেন পুরুলিয়া এবং পশ্চিম মেদিনীপুরে জঙ্গলমহলের অন্তর্গত তিনটি বিধানসভা কেন্দ্রে দাঁড়িয়ে।

'তাৎপর্যপূর্ণ' ঘটনা, তিন দিন আগেই জঙ্গলমহলের ঝাড়গ্রামে নির্বাচনী সফরে গিয়েছিলেন মুখ্যমন্ত্রী। সেখানে কিন্তু মাওবাদীদের 'ভয়-ভীতি'র কথা বলেননি তিনি। বরং অনেক বেশি আত্মবিশ্বাসের সুরে বলেছিলেন, মাওবাদীরা এখন পালাচ্ছে। তবে তারা পুরোপুরি শেষ হয়ে যায়নি, লুকিয়ে আছে। এই নিরিখেই জঙ্গলমহলের মানুষের ভোট খুব গুরুত্বপূর্ণ। তৃণমূলকে ভোট দেওয়া মানে আসলে মাওবাদীদের ফিরিয়ে আনা, এটা মাথায় রেখেই মানুষ যেন ভোট দেন। আলিমুদ্দিন থেকে এ দিন যে আবেদন মুখ্যমন্ত্রী জানিয়েছেন, তার মধ্যে প্রচ্ছন্ন রাজনৈতিক উদ্বেগের ছায়া দেখতে পাচ্ছে বাম এবং অ-বাম শিবির।

মুখ্যমন্ত্রী এ দিন বলেছেন, "আমি ৩ তারিখ ঝাড়গ্রামে গিয়ে যা খবর পেয়েছি, গ্রামাঞ্চলে এখনও ভয়-ভীতি দেখানো হচ্ছে। আমাদের রাজনৈতিক কর্মসূচিতে বাধা দেওয়া হচ্ছে। নির্বাচনে অংশ নিতে বারণ করা হচ্ছে। ওই অঞ্চলের সব মানুষের কাছে আবেদন করছি, ভয়-ভীতি, সব কিছু উপেক্ষা করে ভোট দিন। এই ভোট দেওয়া খুবই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ। মাওবাদীদের সব বাধা অতিক্রম করে ভোট দিতে হবে এবং জয়লাভ করতে হবে!" ফের তাঁর আহ্বান, "মাওবাদীদের পরাজিত করতেই তৃণমূলকে পরাজিত করতে হবে।" মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর বিশ্বাস, জঙ্গলমহলের উন্নয়ন ও রাজ্য থেকে মাওবাদী সমস্যা বিদায় নেবে কি না, এই প্রশ্নকে সামনে রেখেই শেষ পর্বে মানুষ ভোট দেবেন।

*

সাংবাদিক বৈঠকে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী বুদ্ধদেব ভট্টাচার্য।

শুক্রবার আলিমুদ্দিন ষ্ট্রিটে। — দেশকল্যাণ চৌধুরী

জঙ্গলমহলের ১৪টি আসনে ভোট আগামী ১০ মে। সেই এলাকার মধ্যে পুরুলিয়ার বলরামপুর এবং পশ্চিম মেদিনীপুরের নয়াগ্রাম ও ঝাড়গ্রামে নির্বাচনী প্রচারে গিয়ে নিজস্ব সূত্রে সাংবাদিক বৈঠকে মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর বক্তব্য জেনে নিয়ে পত্রপাঠ তার জবাব দেওয়ার চেষ্টা করেছেন তৃণমূল নেত্রী। যেমন, সমাজতত্ত্ববিদ থেকে শুরু করে নানা স্তরের মানুষের অভিযোগ, জঙ্গলমহল এলাকায় মাওবাদীদের শক্তিবৃদ্ধির অন্যতম কারণ আদিবাসী-অধ্যুষিত এলাকায় অনুন্নয়ন। কিন্তু মুখ্যমন্ত্রী এ দিনও দাবি করেন, "উন্নয়ন না-হওয়া মাওবাদী সমস্যার একমাত্র কারণ নয়। কিন্তু আমরা উন্নয়নকে উপেক্ষাও করছি না।" মুখ্যমন্ত্রী জানান, জঙ্গলমহলে গরিব আদিবাসীদের কৃষি ও বাস্তুজমির পাট্টা দেওয়া হয়েছে। তাঁদের জন্য অরণ্যের অধিকার সুরক্ষিত করা হয়েছে। যাঁরা শালপাতা ও কেন্দুপাতা সংগ্রহ করে জীবিকা নির্বাহ করেন, তাঁদের ভর্তুকি দেওয়া হয়েছে। আদিবাসী ছাত্র-ছাত্রীদের জন্য স্কুল ও ছাত্রাবাস হয়েছে। দুর্গম এলাকায় চিকিৎসার জন্য মেডিক্যাল ভ্যান পাঠানো হচ্ছে।

রাজনৈতিক ভাবে এই বক্তব্যের মোকাবিলা করতে গিয়ে তৃণমূল নেত্রী জঙ্গলমহলের অনুন্নয়ন ও অশান্তির জন্য সিপিএম-কেই দায়ী করেছেন। মমতার কথায়, "কেন্দ্রীয় সরকার বিভিন্ন খাতে টাকা দিলেও রাজ্য কাজ করতে ব্যর্থ। আর সে কারণেই আদিবাসী, সংখ্যালঘু, তফসিলিরা পিছিয়ে।" তাঁরা ক্ষমতায় এলে উন্নয়ন ও শান্তি প্রতিষ্ঠার মধ্যে দিয়ে জঙ্গলমহলে 'পরিবর্তন' সূচিত হবে বলেও আশ্বাস দিয়ে জঙ্গলমহলের উন্নয়নের জন্য নির্দিষ্ট পরিকল্পনার কথাও সবিস্তার বলেছেন মমতা।

ঝাড়গ্রামের সভায় মুখ্যমন্ত্রীকে তীব্র আক্রমণ করে মমতার কটাক্ষ, "উনি জঙ্গলে যেতে পারেন না। পাহাড়ে যেতে পারেন না। পাহাড়টা বিক্রি করে দিয়েছেন। জঙ্গলে সবাইকে মাওবাদী তকমা দিয়েছেন। আর সারা রাজ্যে হার্মাদ পাঠিয়েছেন!" যদি উন্নয়নের কাজ করেই থাকেন, তা হলে জঙ্গলমহলে দাঁড়িয়ে মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর কথা বলার 'সাহস' নেই কেন, সে প্রশ্নও তোলেন তৃণমূল নেত্রী। প্রত্যাশিত ভাবেই নয়াগ্রাম, ঝাড়গ্রামের সভায় নেতাই-কাণ্ডের কথা মনে করিয়ে মমতা বলেছেন, "সিপিএম ক্ষমতায় ফিরলে ফের কোনও গ্রামে ওই জিনিস করবে। জঙ্গলমহলের ভোটে সিপিএমের কফিনে শেষ পেরেকটি পুঁতেই নেতাইয়ের বদলা নিন!"

মুখ্যমন্ত্রী অবশ্য জঙ্গলমহলের ভোটে নেতাই-কাণ্ড কোনও প্রভাব ফেলবে বলে মানতে চাননি। তিনি বলেন, "নেতাইয়ের সঙ্গে জঙ্গলমহলের ভোটের কোনও সম্পর্ক নেই। যাঁরা ভোট দেবেন, তাঁরা জঙ্গলমহলের উন্নয়ন ও মাওবাদী সমস্যার হাত থেকে মুক্তি পেতেই ভোট দেবেন।" তবে বুদ্ধবাবুর কথায়, "নেতাই থেকেও আমরা শিক্ষা নিয়েছি। ওই ঘটনা ঘটা উচিত হয়নি।"

নেতাই-সূত্রেই কেন্দ্রীয় স্বরাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী পি চিদম্বরমকেও তীব্র কটাক্ষ করেছেন মুখ্যমন্ত্রী। রাজ্যে নির্বাচনী প্রচারে এসে চিদম্বরম বলেছিলেন, পশ্চিমবঙ্গের আইনশৃঙ্খলা পরিস্থিতির ব্যাপারে তিনি বারেবারেই মুখ্যমন্ত্রীকে সতর্ক করতেন। কিন্তু মুখ্যমন্ত্রী তা অস্বীকার করতেন। শেষ পর্যন্ত নেতাইয়ের ঘটনায় 'সত্য' বেরিয়ে পড়ে। এই সূত্রে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী এ দিন বলেন, "আমি তো বলেছি, ডাক্তার নিজের রোগ সারান! কী করেছেন কাশ্মীরে, কী করেছেন অন্ধ্রপ্রদেশে? নিজের কাজটা আগে মন দিয়ে করুন! আমাকে পরামর্শ দেওয়ার দরকার নেই!"

কেন্দ্রীয় স্বরাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রীর প্রতি মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর কটাক্ষের পাল্টা সমালোচনা করে বিরোধী দলনেতা পার্থ চট্টোপাধ্যায় এ দিনই বলেছেন, "চিদম্বরমের কাছে হাঁটু মুড়ে যৌথ বাহিনীর আবেদন করেছিলেন বুদ্ধবাবু, চিদম্বরমকে মহাকরণে নিয়ে গিয়ে পাশে বসিয়ে বুদ্ধবাবু বলিয়েছিলেন মাওবাদী ঠেকাতে যৌথ বাহিনী দরকার! আর আজ সেই চিদম্বরমকে যাচ্ছেতাই বলে দিলেন! বুদ্ধবাবুর মানসিক ভারসাম্য নষ্ট হয়েছে বলেই এ সব বলছেন!" মাওবাদী এবং তৃণমূলকে এক করে দেখানোর যে কৌশল মুখ্যমন্ত্রী নিয়েছেন, তারও পাল্টা হিসাবে পার্থবাবু বলেছেন, "বুদ্ধবাবু পুরনো কাসুন্দি ঘেঁটেছেন। পঞ্চায়েত নির্বাচন, লোকসভা ভোট থেকে শুরু করে পুরভোটেও আমাদের সঙ্গে মাওবাদীদের যোগ রয়েছে বলে ওঁরা বলেছেন। আর নেপালে গিয়ে মাওবাদীদের সঙ্গে খিচুড়ি খেয়ে এসেছেন সীতারাম ইয়েচুরি!" এর পাশাপাশি আজ, শনিবার রাজ্যে পঞ্চম দফা নির্বাচনের ২৪ ঘণ্টা আগে কলকাতায় দলীয় কার্যালয়ে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী সাংবাদিক বৈঠক করে নির্বাচনী বিধি ভেঙেছেন বলে অভিযোগ তৃণমূলের। দলের সর্বভারতীয় সাধারণ সম্পাদক মুকুল রায় এই অভিযোগ জানিয়ে নির্বাচন কমিশনে চিঠিও দিচ্ছেন।

যে সন্ত্রাসের আতঙ্কের কথা বলে জঙ্গলমহলের মানুষের কাছে আবেদন জানিয়েছেন মুখ্যমন্ত্রী, সেই একই আবহকে সিপিএমের বিরুদ্ধে 'ব্যবহার' করতে চেয়েছেন তৃণমূল নেত্রী। জঙ্গলমহলে ভোটদানের হার রাজ্যের অন্যান্য অঞ্চলের তুলনায় কম থাকে। সে কথা মনে রেখেই মমতা এ দিন বলেন, "যদি হার্মাদরা কিংবা অন্য কেউ বলে ভোট দিতে যাবেন না, তা হলে সে কথা পুলিশকে জানাবেন। এ বার নির্ভয়ে ভোট দিন, নিজের ভোট নিজে দিন!" সিপিএমের লোকজনই কোথাও কোথাও মাওবাদীদের নাম করে সন্ত্রাস চালাচ্ছে বলেও ফের অভিযোগ করেছেন তৃণমূল নেত্রী। সিপিএম নেতৃত্বের প্রতি তাঁর প্রশ্ন, "এত দিন তোমরা রাজত্বে। তা হলে এত মাওবাদী এল কোথা থেকে? তুমিই মার্ক্সবাদী, তুমিই মাওবাদী!" ঝাড়গ্রাম কেন্দ্রের নির্দল প্রার্থী ছত্রধর মাহাতোর নাম না-করে মমতা বলেন, "যারা মাওবাদী করত, তারা বিরোধী ভোট কেটে সিপিএম-কে সুবিধা করে দেওয়ার জন্য ভোটে দাঁড়িয়েছে। তা-ও আমি খুশি, ওরা গণতন্ত্র মানছে!" জঙ্গলমহলে সিপিএমই অশান্তি জিইয়ে রাখতে চায় ও তাঁরা ক্ষমতায় এলে শান্তি ফিরবে বলে দাবি করেন মমতা।

পক্ষান্তরে, বুদ্ধবাবুর দাবি, 'অশান্তি'র ভয়েই জঙ্গলমহল-সহ গোটা রাজ্যের মানুষ বামফ্রন্টকে ভোট দিচ্ছেন। মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর কথায়, "এক দিকে যেমন পরিবর্তনের কথা আছে, তেমনই প্রত্যাবর্তনের কথাও ব্যাপক ভাবে আছে! কেউ অশান্তিকে আহ্বান করতে চায় না। মানুষ ভাবছেন, পরিবর্তন মানে কি সমাজবিরোধীদের রাজত্ব ফিরে আসবে? অশান্তি ফিরবে? মানুষ তা চান না। তাই আবার বামফ্রন্টই ফিরে আসবে।" অর্থাৎ মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মনে করছেন, শান্তির প্রশ্নেই মানুষ বামেদের ভোট দেবে। বুদ্ধবাবুর আশা, "মানুষ ভালর জন্য পরিবর্তন চায়। অশান্তি, অনিশ্চয়তার জন্য কেউ পরিবর্তন চায় না। বিরোধীদের দিশাহীন, কর্মসূচিহীন পরিবর্তনের ডাকে অশান্তির ছোঁওয়া আছে। মানুষ এই পরিবর্তন আনবেন না!"

এই আশা-পাল্টা আশার ঘোষণাই জারি থাকবে আরও এক সপ্তাহ!


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রোদে পুড়ে পুড়ে তামাটে হয়ে গিয়েছে। বাঁ-হাতের মণিবন্ধে বাঁধা ঘড়ির চামড়ার ষ্ট্র্যাপের নিচ থেকে মাঝেমাঝে উঁকি দিচ্ছে গায়ের আসল রংটুকু। শ'য়ে শ'য়ে মানুষ ভক্তিভরে ছুঁয়ে যেতে চাইছেন সেই হাত। আঙুলে আঙুল ঠেকে যাচ্ছে কখনও কখনও। তাতেই কী খুশি তাঁর গাড়ির পাশে পাশে ছুটন্ত জনতা!

ছুটছে। পড়ে যাচ্ছে। আবার উঠছে। কিন্তু কিছুতেই থামছে না তাদের অন্তহীন দৌড়।

গাড়ির পা-দানিতে এত দিনে অভ্যস্ত দোল খাচ্ছেন রেলরক্ষী বাহিনীর নিরাপত্তারক্ষীরা। কোমরের নাইন এম এম পিস্তল উঁচু হয়ে আছে ধূসর সাফারি স্যুটের তলায়। সাধ্যমতো ঠেলেঠুলে চেষ্টা করছেন ভিড় ঠেকানোর। কখনও পারছেন। কখনও পারছেন না। গাড়ির সামনের সিটের আরোহীকে গোটা রাজ্য জুড়ে তাড়া করছে সেই আশ্চর্য দৌড়।

কটূ গরমের দুপুর হোক বা খর বৃষ্টির সন্ধে। হেলিকপ্টারের দানবীয় ব্লেডের ধুলোর ঝড় হোক বা সদ্য বৃষ্টিতে ধুয়ে-যাওয়া ধরিত্রী।

সেই দৌড় চলছেই।

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অভিবাদন। ঝাড়গ্রামে। — অশোক মজুমদার

কপালে বিন্দু বিন্দু ঘাম। গায়ে জড়ানো সুতির সাদা ফিনফিনে দোপাট্টা। তাঁতের আটপৌরে শাড়ি। পায়ে হওয়াই চপ্পল। কাঁধে একটা নীল কাপড়ের পুঁচকে ব্যাগ। তাতে দুনিয়ার ওষুধ। এমনকী, ব্যাণ্ড-এডও। কখনও কাশি আর ভাঙা-গলার টোটকা বার করে খেয়ে নিচ্ছেন কয়েক ঢোঁক। ব্যাগের পকেটে মোবাইল আর চশমা। সভামঞ্চে ওঠার আগে যে দুটো তিনি জমা রেখে যাচ্ছেন তাঁর 'আস্থাভাজন' শিল্পোদ্যোগী শিবাজি পাঁজার কাছে। ফিরে এসে দ্রুত দেখে নিচ্ছেন, কার কার এসএমএস বা ফোন এল। সেই মতো নির্দেশ দিচ্ছেন কাঁহা কাঁহা মুলুকে ফোন করে। তার মধ্যেই হাত নাড়ছেন জনতার দিকে। তার পর পায়ের কাছে পড়ে-থাকা জলের বোতল থেকে দু-ঢোঁক ঢালছেন গলায়।

সারা দিনে স্রেফ ওই কয়েক ঢোঁক নুন-চিনির জল আর কয়েক টুকরো শশা। এই হল তাঁর 'ইলেকশন-ডায়েট'। আর হ্যাঁ, বিকেলের পর গাড়িতেই কাপ দুয়েক চা এবং এক বিশেষ ব্র্যাণ্ডের কতিপয় চকোলেট। তা-ও কঠোর সংযম মেনে (ওজন বেড়ে যায় যদি!)। এক সভা থেকে অন্য সভায়। এক জেলা থেকে অন্য জেলায়। এক মা-মাটি-মানুষ থেকে অন্য মা-মাটি-মানুষে।

তাঁরও তো চলছেই এক অবিশ্রান্ত দৌড়।

উত্তরবঙ্গে গিয়ে ভিড়ের ঠেলায় হাতঘড়িটা খুইয়েছেন। একটা অন্য ঘড়ি ধার করে এনেছেন। কিন্তু সেটা আবার থেমে আছে! কাঁটা ঘুরিয়ে সময় ঠিক করতে হল হেলিকপ্টারে বসে বসেই। সময় দেখতেই হবে তাঁকে। সময় কম তাঁর হাতে। বড্ড কম।

তাই ওই দমছুট দৌড়।

আপাতদৃষ্টিতে সেই দৌড় হেলিকপ্টার থেকে নেমে হাওয়াই চপ্পল ফটর-ফটর করতে করতে একের পর এক ধুলি-ধূসরিত সভার ব্যারিকেডের পাশ ধরে। কিন্তু আসলে তাঁর দৌড় লালদিঘির পাড়ের লালবাড়ির দিকে। তাঁর দৌড় নিছক বিরোধী নেত্রী থেকে প্রশাসকে উত্তরণের দিকে। দৌড় বঙ্গ-রাজনীতিতে এক ঐতিহাসিক মোড় ঘোরানোর। দৌড় পৃথিবীর ইতিহাসে গণতান্ত্রিক কাঠামোয় দীর্ঘতম কমিউনিস্ট শাসনের অবসান ঘটানোর।

রোজ বেলা সাড়ে ১১টা নাগাদ বাড়ি থেকে বেরিয়ে রেসকোর্স। সেখান থেকে হেলিকপ্টারে রাজ্যের বিভিন্ন প্রান্তে নিজেকে ছড়িয়ে দেওয়া। উত্তরবঙ্গ থেকে দক্ষিণবঙ্গ। হিঙ্গলগঞ্জ থেকে হলদিয়া। বীরভূম থেকে বাঁকুড়া। প্রত্যন্ত সব এলাকা। যেখানে ফুটিফাটা রোদেও তাঁর জন্য ঘণ্টার পর ঘণ্টা দাঁড়িয়ে থাকে হাজার হাজার মানুষ। বাচ্চা-বুড়ো। মেয়ে-বউ। তরুণ-তরুণী। তাঁর কথায় ঢেউয়ের মতো দুলতে থাকে সীমাহীন জনসমুদ্র। বিপজ্জনক ভাবে গাছের ডালে ঝুলতে থাকে মানুষ। বাড়ির ছাদে ভিড় করে থাকে জমাট মৌচাকের মতো। ধুলোর ঝড় উড়িয়ে তাঁর কপ্টার নামে আর কিলবিল করে ছুটে আসে মানুষের দঙ্গল। ব্যারিকেড ভেঙে ঢুকে পায়ের উপর উপুড় হয়ে পড়ে। পুষ্পবৃষ্টি করতে থাকে অনাবিল।

ফুলের ছিন্ন পাপড়ি এবং ধুলোয় তাঁর তীব্র অ্যালার্জি। অসংখ্য বারের মধ্যে কোনও এক বার মার খেয়ে ফুসফুস কিঞ্চিৎ কমজোরি। তাই তাঁর গাড়িতে ফুল ছোড়া বারণ। কিন্তু এপ্রিল-মে মাসের গরমে ধুলোও তো প্রচুর! যা নিষ্কাশনে নিয়মিত অ্যান্টিবায়োটিকের শরণাপন্ন তিনি।

তার মধ্যেই কখনও তিনি শিশুর মতো উচ্ছ্বসিত আকাশ থেকে নীচে বিদ্যাসাগর সেতু দেখে। কখনও অস্থির, পরের সভায় অপরিসর হেলিপ্যাডে নামতে পারছে না তাঁর আকাশযান। চক্কর কাটছে ক্রমাগত। এই মিটিংটা কি মিস হয়ে গেল? কখনও চিন্তিত, সিপিএমের সাম্প্রতিক 'সন্ত্রাস' নিয়ে নির্বাচনের কমিশনের কাছে চিঠিটা পাঠিয়েছেন তো কেন্দ্রীয় মন্ত্রী মুকুল রায়? কখনও অস্থির, পরের যতিচিহ্নে এসে পৌঁছেছেন তো তাঁর 'কানন', কলকাতায়র মেয়র শোভন চট্টোপাধ্যায়? তার পরেই উদ্বেগ কপ্টারের পাইলটদের জন্য, তাঁদের দুপুরের খাওয়াটা হয়েছে তো?

কিন্তু দৌড় তাঁর অবিরাম।

নদিয়ার কৃষ্ণগঞ্জে বা বর্ধমানের আসানসোল-দুর্গাপুর রোডে তাঁর গাড়ি থামিয়ে গৃহবধূ থেকে তরুণী ভূতগ্রস্তের মতো চিৎকার করছেন, "দিদি, আই লাভ ইউ।" তিনি লাজুক হাসছেন। বারুইপুরের রাস্তার পাশের বাড়ি থেকে কোলপাঁজা করে একশো বছরের ঠাকুমাকে নিয়ে এসে রাস্তার পাশে দাঁড়িয়ে আছে সুঠাম নাতি। অশক্ত, শীর্ণ হাত গাড়ির সামনের সিটে-বসা তাঁর মুখে-মাথায় বুলিয়ে ফোকলা দাঁতে বৃদ্ধা বলছেন, "জয়ী হও। জয়ী হও।" পাশ থেকে নাতি বলছে, "ঠাকুমা কখনও ঠাকুর দেখতেও রাস্তায় বেরোয় না কিন্তু! আপনাকে দেখবে বলে এসেছে শুধু।" জবাবে তিনি সযত্নে বলছেন, "এ বার ওঁকে বাড়ি নিয়ে যাও। ভালো থেকো।"

ঠাকুর? ঈশ্বর? নাকি অব্যর্থ এক মুশকিল আসান?

কে জানে!

প্রশ্ন করলে বলেন, "আমি ও সব নিয়ে ভাবি না। আমি মানুষের জন্য, মানুষের পাশে আছি। এইটুকুই। সিপিএম যে অত্যাচার করেছে বাংলার ওপর, আমি তার শেষ চাই।" দীর্ঘ তিন দশকের লড়াই তাঁর। দীর্ঘ তিন দশকের দৌড়। যে দৌড়ের শেষে ওই বুঝি তিনি দেখছেন রাজ্যে বাম-শাসনের অবসান।

তিনি কি বামপন্থার বিরোধী?

"কে বলল? মোটেই না! আমার বামপন্থা ভাল লাগে। ছোটবেলায় যখন শুনতাম, তোমার নাম-আমার নাম, ভিয়েতনাম-ভিয়েতনাম, আমার ভাল লাগত। আমি শুধু সিপিএমের মতো কিছু মেকি বামপন্থীর বিরুদ্ধে। সব বামপন্থীকে আমার মোটেই খারাপ লাগে না", বলেন তিনি। তার পর আবার দৌড় শুরু করেন।

কোনও কঠিন দাঁত ভেঙে-যাওয়া তৎসম শব্দ নেই। কোনও পণ্ডিতি জাহিরের চেষ্টা নেই। বরং রয়েছে কথায়-কথায় অন্ত্যমিল দিয়ে ছড়া-কাটা। কর্ডলেস মাইক্রোফোন হাতে মঞ্চের চার দিকে ঘুরতে ঘুরতে জনতার সঙ্গে সরাসরি কথোপকথন শুরু করেন তিনি। অনেকটা যেন আদিগঙ্গার পাড়ে নিজের চিলতে ঘরে ডেকে এনে চাট্টি গল্পগাছা করছেন। যেখানে তিনি বলছেন, "মায়েরা দিন উলুধ্বনি, ভাইয়েরা দিন তালি/সিপিএমকে বাংলা থেকে করতে হবে খালি।" আর শাঁখ-উলুর আওয়াজে ছেয়ে যাচ্ছে গোটা এলাকা। তার সঙ্গে পাল্লা দিচ্ছে হাজার হাজার হাতে তালির ঝোড়ো আওয়াজ।

অথবা সরাসরি জনতাকে প্রশ্ন: "কি? সিপিএমকে ভোটবাক্সে ফাঁকা করবেন তো? জোড়াফুলকে ভোটটা দেবেন তো? কংগ্রেস-তৃণমূল-এসইউসি জোটকে জেতাবেন তো?"

মঞ্চের সামনে দুলতে দুলতে সমস্বরে মনুষ্যসাগর গর্জন করছে, "হ্যাঁ!"

হেলিকপ্টারের চার দিক ঘিরে উন্মত্ত জনতা। গর্জন করছে। ধেয়ে আসছে। ভেঙে পড়ছে পলকা বাঁশের ব্যারিকেড। হিমসিম খাচ্ছে পুলিশ। লাঠি উঁচিয়ে তেড়ে যাচ্ছে বারবার। কিন্তু মানবিক ঢেউ থামছে কই আর? সকলেই তো চান তাঁকে এক বার ছুঁতে। কোনও না কোনও একটা দরখাস্ত, স্বরচিত কবিতার বই বা নিজের হাতে যত্নে আঁকা তাঁর ছবি গুঁজে দিতে। কথা বলতে। কত যে কথা জমে রয়েছে!

কাগজপত্র সব নিয়ে নেন তিনি। গাড়ির সামনের সিটে উঠে দোপাট্টায় ঘাম মুছতে মুছতে পিছনে চালান করে দেন শিবাজির হাতে। তারপর সেগুলো চলে যায় 'অ্যাকশন' নেওয়ার জন্য। রেলে চাকরির দরখাস্ত হলে এক জায়গায়। ছবি বা কবিতা হলে পাল্টা ধন্যবাদ জ্ঞাপনের চিঠি লেখার দফতরে। যে সমস্ত চিঠি এর মধ্যেই নিজের হাতে সই করবেন তিনি।

দিনের শেষে হা-ক্লান্ত শরীরের বাড়ি বা অস্থায়ী আস্তানায় ফিরতে ফিরতে আবার এক প্রস্ত তদারকি। সব ঠিকঠাক এগোচ্ছে তো? কমিশনে অভিযোগটা জানানো হয়েছে? শেষতম নির্বাচনী সভায় কী বললেন যুযুধান শিবিরের সেনাপতি? নতুন কী অভিযোগ আনলেন? কী ভাবে মোকাবিলা করবেন সেই অভিযোগের?

কিন্তু সে সব ছাপিয়ে চলতে থাকে তাঁর অবিশ্রান্ত দৌড়। চলতেই থাকে।

পারলে রাজ্যের সমস্ত বিন্দুকে ছুঁয়ে যেতে হবে। সময় কম। বড্ড কম। দ্রুত পৌঁছোতে হবে মানুষের কাছে। ক্লান্তি হলেও ক্ষান্তি নেই। ওই দূরে দূরে তাঁর জন্য অপেক্ষা করে রয়েছেন তাঁর প্রার্থীরা। এক বার এসে 'মিডাস টাচ' দিয়ে যাবেন তিনি।

তিনি দৌড়োচ্ছেন। প্রাণপণ।

কে তিনি?

এর পরেও নাম লিখতে হবে!


http://anandabazar-unicode.appspot.com/proxy?p=7raj3.htm


*

  1. India's Maoist Menace - Bloomberg

  2. 29 Jul 2010 ... Armed rebels hold the Red Corridor, a region the size of Portugal, in their grip. The nation's mineral wealth and 8.5 percent annual growth ...

  3. www.bloomberg.com/news/...07.../india-s-maoist-menace.html - Cached - Similar

  4. India gropes for response to Maoist menace - FRANCE 24

  5. 7 Apr 2010 ... India gropes for response to Maoist menace. The wreckage of a military vehicle after a Maoist attack in Dantewada on April 6. ...

  6. www.france24.com/.../20100407-india-gropes-response-maoist-menace - Cached - Similar

  7. Sumit Ganguly: Fighting the Maoist Menace in India - WSJ.com

  8. 11 Apr 2010 ... Nanyang Technological University professor Sumit Ganguly writes in The Wall Street Journal that it will take a combination of military ...

  9. online.wsj.com/.../SB10001424052702303830804575177083873217118.html -Cached - Similar - Add to iGoogle

  10. Maoist menace: Revolution feeds on drug money - Times Of India

  11. 15 Feb 2011 ... The Maoists milk the drug mafia promising them "protection" in return for money. This nexus is a problem in states such as Orissa and West ...

  12. articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com › Collections › Lalgarh - Cached

  13. Use culture as tool to curb Maoist menace: Aiyar - Times Of India

  14. 12 Apr 2011 ... NEW DELHI: A committee, headed by Mani Shankar Aiyar, has ...

  15. articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com › ... › Mani Shankar Aiyar - Cached

  16. Show more results from indiatimes.com

  17. India: India's Maoist Menace | Feral Jundi

  18. 25 Aug 2010 ... We do not have the forces to move into areas occupied by the rebels," Home Secretary Gopal K. Pillai told India's Institute for Defence ...

  19. feraljundi.com/industry-talk/india-indias-maoist-menace/ - Cached

  20. Maoist Menace in India and Aamjunta « Life of an "Aamjunta"

  21. Maoist Menace in India and Aamjunta. Posted on February 26, 2011 by aamjunta. The recent kidnap and hostage drama of the district collector of Malkangiri ...

  22. aamjunta.wordpress.com/.../maoist-menace-in-india-and-aamjunta/ - Cached

  23. Villagers saddened by Maoists Menace - May 5, 2011 - Daily News ...

  24. Villagers saddened by Maoists Menace. May 5, 2011 ... Passengers suffer(1:51). (May 5, 2011) Passengers suffer as Air India pilots' strike enters ninth day ...

  25. ww.smashits.com/villagers...maoists-menace/snoop-news-25022.html - Cached

  26. Bihar fights Maoist menace with goats - India News - IBNLive

  27. 12 Jan 2011 ... Officials say goats worth over Rs 80 lakh have been distributed to poor families.

  28. ibnlive.in.com/news/bihar-fights-maoist-menace.../140256-3.html - Cached

  29. Jharkhand coal output hit by Maoist menace, says Jaiswal : India

  30. 14 Apr 2011 ... Ranchi, April 14 - The Jharkhand government must improve law and order conditions as the coal production in the state, which has the largest ...

  31. www.nerve.in/news:253500386531 - Cached

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Communist Party of India (Maoist)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"CPIM" redirects here. For other uses, see CPIM (disambiguation).
For other uses, see Naxalism.
This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page.
Communist Party of India (Maoist)
LeaderMuppala Lakshmana Rao
Founded21 September 2004
Ideology Maoism
Communism
Anti-Revisionism
Political position Far-left
Website
People's March
Politics of India
Political parties
Elections

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is a Maoist political party in India which aims to overthrow the government of India.[1] It was founded on 21 September 2004, through the merger of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCC). The merger was announced to the public on October 14 the same year. In the merger a provisional central committee was constituted, with the erstwhile People's War Group leader Muppala Lakshmana Rao alias Ganapathi as General Secretary.[2]

They claim to be fighting for the rights of the tribes in the forest belt around central India. That region contains deposits of minerals[3] which are of interest to mining companies like Tata andEssar. There have been numerous human rights violations of the tribal people at the hands of government agencies. [4] [5]

The CPI (Maoist) are often referred to as Naxalites in reference to the Naxalbari insurrectionconducted by radical Maoists in West Bengal in 1967.

In 2006, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh referred to the Naxalites as "the single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country."[6][7] The Indian government, led by the United Progressive Alliance, banned the CPI (Maoist) under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act(UAPA) as a terrorist organisation [8] on 22 June 2009.

As of June 2010, Indian Government has identified 83 districts in 9 states as "Naxal-hit".[9]

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Communism in India
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According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, the two factions adhered to differing strands of communism prior to their 2004 merger although "both organizations shared their belief in the 'annihilation of class enemies' and in extreme violence as a means to secure organizational goals." The People's War Group (PWG) maintained a Marxist-Leninist stance while the MCC took a Maoiststance. After the merger, the PWG secretary of Andhra Pradesh announced the newly formed CPI-Maoist would follow Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its "ideological basis guiding its thinking in all spheres of its activities." Included in this ideology is a commitment to "protracted armed struggle" to undermine and to seize power from the state.[2]

The ideology of the merged group is contained in a "Party Programme." In the document, the Maoists denounce globalization as a war on the people by market fundamentalists and the caste system as a form of social oppression.[10]

It is claimed by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) that it is conducting 'people's war', a strategical line developed by Mao Zedong during the phase of guerrilla warfare of the Communist Party of China. The eventual objective is to install a "people's government" via a New Democratic Revolution.

The party also views Islamist militancy as a struggle towards national liberation against imperialism, rather than as a clash of civilizations, and condones it as having parallel goals to the group's own. In the words of deputy leader Koteshwar Rao, or Kishanji: "The Islamic upsurge should not be opposed as it is basically anti-US and anti-Imperialist in nature. We, therefore, want it to grow."[10] Although it is an extreme left wing political outfit it considers the democratic left parties in India as their "class enemy" and used to kill their supporters in the western part of West Bengal.[citation needed]

[edit]Location

Currently it has presence in remote regions of Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh as well as presence inBihar and the tribal-dominated areas in the borderlands of Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, West Bengaland Orissa. The CPI (Maoist) aims to consolidate its power in this area and establish a Compact Revolutionary Zone from which to advance the people's war in other parts of India.[2]

A 2005 Frontline cover story called the Bhamragad Taluka, where the Madia Gond Adivasis live, the heart of the Naxalite-affected region in Maharashtra.[11]

[edit]Organisation

The current general secretary of the party is Muppala Lakshmana Rao alias Ganapati. The highest decision making body of the party is its Politburo, comprising 14 (or 13[12]) members, 6 of whom were either killed or arrested between 2007-10. Amongst those arrested, Kobad Ghandy is the senior-most member.[13] Other arrested Politburo members include Pramod Mishra, Ashutosh Tudu and Amitabha Bagchi.[12] Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad, the spokesperson for the party, who was gunned down in Andhra Pradesh was another Politburo member.[12] Prashant Bose alias Kishan-da, Mallojula Koteswara Rao alias Kishenji[14] and Katakam Sudarshan alias Anand are the three prominent members of its Politburo. Kishenji and Anand currently head the Eastern Regional Bureau and the Central Regional Bureau of the party respectively.[15] The Central Committee of the party, which takes command from the Politburo and passes on the information to its members, comprises 32 members. The party hierarchy consists of the Regional Bureaus, which look after two or three states, the State Committees, the Zonal Committees, the District Committees and the dalams (armed squads).[13]

The military wings of the respective organisations, People's Liberation Guerrilla Army (military wing of MCCI) and People's Guerrilla Army (military wing of PW), were also merged. The name of the unified military organisation is People's Liberation Guerrilla Army. P.V. Ramana, of the Observer Research Foundation in Delhi estimates the Naxilities' current strength at 9,000 -10,000 armed fighters, with access to about 6,500 firearms.[16] Other estimates by Indian intelligence officials and Maoist leaders suggest that the rebel ranks in India number between 10,000 and 20,000, with at least 50,000 active supporters.[7][17]

[edit]Strategy

[edit]Governance tactics

In their efforts to intimidate and consolidate control, the Naxalites tax local villagers, extort businesses, abduct and kill "class enemies" such as government officials and police officers, and regulate the flow of aid and goods.[7] To help fill their ranks, the Maoists force each family under their domain to supply one family member and threaten those who resist with violence.[18]

The organisation has been holding 'Public Court's, which have been described as kangaroo courts,[19][20][21] against the people who have opposed the Maoists. These "courts" function in the areas under de-facto Maoist control.[22] The Maoists have also taken care to demolish government institutions under their de facto jurisdiction.[23]

[edit]Military tactics

It retains the tactics of its predecessor Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War of rejecting parliamentary democracy and capturing political power through protracted armed struggle based on guerrilla warfare. This strategy entails building up of bases in rural and remote areas and transforming them first into guerrilla zones and then as "liberated zones", besides the area-wise seizure and encircling cities.

The military hardware used by Maoists, as proved through a number of seizures, include RDX cable wires, gelatine sticks, detonators, country-made weapons, INSAS rifles, AK-47s, SLR and improvised explosive devices. According to MHA reports, the CRPF seized over 6000 kg of explosives in Bihar and 893 kg in Jharkhand till October 2008. Security forces also recovered codex wire in Jharkhand for the first time, a highly potent explosive with a blast-range of up to 720 meters, which has so far been used only by modern national armies (The Telegraph, 16 October 2008).

[edit]Funding

The funding for the Maoists comes from abductions, extortion and by setting up unofficial administrations to collect taxes in rural areas where official government appears absent.[7][24][25]

Poppy cultivation is another major source of funding for Maoists in the Ghagra area of Gumla district in Jharkhand and in parts of Gumla, Kishanganj and Purnia districts in Bihar. Security forces claim that opium fields are hidden among maize crops. Reports from Debagarh district in Orissa indicate that the Naxals also support hemp cultivation to help fund their activities.[25]

[edit]Legal status

The party is regarded as a "left-wing extremist entity" and a terrorist outfit and several of their members had been arrested by the Indian Government under the defunct Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act(POTA).[2][26] The group is officially banned by the State Governments of Orissa,[27] Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh, among others. The party has protested these bans.[28] On 22 June 2009, the centralhome ministry, keeping in mind the growing unlawful activities by the group, banned it under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).[29] Earlier, the union home minister, Mr P. Chidambaram had asked the West Bengal Chief Minister, MrBuddhadeb Bhattacharjee, to ban the Maoists following the Lalgarh Violence.[30]

Following the ban, the Maoists are liable for arrest under the UAPA. After the ban they are barred from holding rallies, public meetings and demonstrations, and their offices if any, will be sealed and bank account frozen.[citation needed]

[edit]Controversial organisation

[edit]Opposition

They are regarded as a serious security threat and the Indian government is taking countermeasures, pulling the affected states together to coordinate their response. It says it will combine improved policing with socio-economic measures to defuse grievances that fuel the Maoist cause.[18] In 2005, Chattisgarh State sponsored an anti-Maoist movement and called it the Salwa Judum. The group, which the BBC alleges is "government backed", [31] an allegation rejected by the government as biased and Indophobic,[32][33] has come under criticism from pro-Maoist activist groups[34] for "perpetrating atrocities and abuse against women,"[35] using child soldiers,[22] and the looting of property and destruction of homes.[35] These allegations were addressed and rejected by a fact finding commission of National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRC), appointed by Supreme Court of India, who determined that the Salwa Judum was a spontaneous reaction by tribals against Maoist atrocities perpetrated against them.[36][37] The camps are guarded by police officers, paramilitary forces and Salwa Judum activists[18][22] empowered with the official title "special police officer."[22][38]

[edit]Killing a Hindu monk in Orissa in 2008

In transcripts made available to PTI on October 05, 2008, a prominent Maoist leader Sabyasachi Panda alias Sunil mentioned that there was pressure from both Christians and Dalits to eliminate VHP leader Laxmanananda Saraswati, noting that most of the cadre members and supporters in Orissa belonged to Christian community and not tribals unlike in other states where tribals form the biggest support base of Maoists. It was admitting that the Maoists had for the first time intervened in any religious dispute by killing Laxamananda Saraswati[39][40].

[edit]International connections

The CPI (Maoist) maintains dialogue with the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) who control most of Nepal in the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) according to several intelligence sources and think tanks.[2] These links are however denied by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)[41]

While under detention in June 2009, a suspected Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) operative indicated that the LeT and the CPI (Maoist) had attempted to coordinate activities in Jharkhand state.[42]

Latest reports indicates that the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines Southeast Asia's longest-lived communist insurgent group—has been reported to have engaged in conducting training activities for guerrilla warfare for Indian Maoists.[43]

The Indian Maoists deny operational links with foreign groups, such as Nepalese Maoists, but do claim comradeship.[44] Some members of the Indian government accept this,[45] others argue that operational links do exist, with training coming from Sri-Lankan Maoists and small-arms from China.[46] China denies and is embarrassed by any suggestion that it supports foreign Maoist rebels, citing improvements in relations between India and China, including movement towards resolving their border disputes. Maoists in Nepal, India and the Phillipines are less reticent about their shared goals.[47]

[edit]Recent violent activities by Maoists

Main article: Timeline of the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency
  • December 25, 2010: Attack in eastern India, killing nine people[citation needed]
  • June 29, 2010: At least 26 CRPF personnel were killed when the Maoists attacked a road opening party in Narayanpur district.[48]
  • May 17, 2010: 35 killed after Maoist rebels blow up bus in the Dantewada district[51]
  • April 6, 2010 : At least 82 CRPF and district force personnel were killed when a large group of Naxals ambushed them in the Mukrana forests of Chhattisgarh's Dantewada district.[52]
  • February 20, 2010 : Maoists killed a village guard by slitting his throat.[53]
  • February 18, 2010 : Twelve villagers were killed and 9 injured in indiscriminate firing by the Maoists in Jamui district of Bihar. The dead included three women and one child.[54] Twenty five village houses were also burned down by the Maoists.[55]
  • October 8, 2009 : About 150 Maoist ambushed a Police patrol and killed 17 Policemen in Gadchiroli, Maharashtra[56]
  • April 13, 2009: 10 paramilitary troops are killed in eastern Orissa.[60]
  • February 23, 2009: Maoists kill a contractor, sets ablaze a police post at Govindpalli of Malkangiri.[61][62]
  • July 16, 2008: A landmine hit a police van in Malkangiri district, killing 21 policemen.[63]
  • June 29, 2008: CPI forces attacked a boat on the Chitrakonda reservoir in Orissa carrying members of an anti-Naxalite police force. The boat sunk, killing 33 policemen, while 28 survived.[64][65]
  • In November 2007 reports emerged that the anti-SEZ movement in Nandigram in West Bengal had been infiltrated by Naxalites since February; the reports quoted unnamed intelligence sources.[66] Recently, police found weapons belonging to Maoists near Nandigram.
  • In 2008, The Hindu newspaper reported that a Maoist killed a man and publicly cannibalized him in Malkangiri district of Orissa to terrorize villagers. The alleged incident occurred in Bandiguda on August 14, 2007.[67]
  • On March 15, 2007 an attack happened in the rebel stronghold area of Dantewada, in Chhattisgarh state. Fifty-four persons, including 15 personnel of the Chhattishgarh Armed Force, were killed in an offensive by 300 to 350 CPI (Maoist) cadres on a police base camp in the Bastar region in the early hours of Thursday. The remaining victims were tribal youths of Salwa Judum, designated as Special Police Officers (SPOs) and roped in to combat the Maoists. Eleven person were injured. The attack, which lasted nearly two-and-a-half hours, was spearheaded by the "State Military Commission (Maoist)", consisting of about 100 armed naxalites.[68]
  • On March 6, 2007 the CPI (Maoist) reportedly claimed responsibility for the Mahato assassination, but JMM members of the Jharkhand state cabinet, including the Chief Minister, subsequently announced that a state police investigation is under way into the authenticity of this claim. Police reportedly believe that political rivals of Mahato, including organized criminal groups, may have been behind the assassination.[69]
  • On March 5, 2007 Maoist shot dead a local Congress leader (Prakash, a member of the local Mandal Praja Parishad (MPP)) in Andhra Pradesh while he was inspecting a road construction project in Mahabubnagar district.[70]
  • On December 2, 2006 the BBC reported that at least 14 Indian policemen had been killed by Maoists in a landmine ambush near the town of Bokaro, 80 miles from Ranchi, the capital of the State of Jharkhand.[72]
  • On October 18, 2006 women belonging to the Maoist guerrilla forces blasted four government buildings in the Bastar region ofChhattisgarh. On the day before, over a dozen armed cadres of the group, with support from male colleagues, blocked traffic on the Antagarh-Koylibera Road in the Kanker district, near the city of Raipur. They also detonated explosives inside four buildings, including two schools, in Kanker.[73] This incident occurred two days after a major leader of the party's operations in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, Kone Kedandam, surrendered to authorities in the town of Srikakulam.[74]
  • On July 16, 2006 the Maoists attacked a relief camp in the Dantewada district where several villagers were kidnapped. The death toll was 29.[75]
  • On February 28, 2006 the Maoists attacked several anti-Maoist protesters in Erraboru village in Chhattisgarh using landmines, killing 25 people.[76]
  • On 13 November 2005 CPI (Maoist) fighters stunned authorities by attacking Jehanabad in Bihar, freeing 250 captured comrades and taking twenty imprisoned right wing paramilitaries captive, executing their leader. They also detonated several bombs in the town.[77] A prison guard was also reported killed.
  • In August 2005 Maoists kidnapped from the Dantewada district of the state of Chhattisgarh.This follows violent incidents in 2004 in the same region when 50 policemen and about 300 villagers were killed in the Dantewada district and over 50,000 villagers were staying in relief camps out of fear from Maoists.[78]
  • In February 2005 the CPI (Maoist) killed 7 policemen, a civilian and injured many more during a mass attack on a school building in Venkatammanahalli village, Pavgada, Tumkur, Karnataka.[79][80] On August 17, 2005, the government of Andhra Pradesh outlawed the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and various mass organizations close to it, and began to arrest suspected members and sympathizers days afterwards. The arrested included former emissaries at the peace talks of 2004.

[edit]See also

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Communist Party of India (Maoist)

[edit]References

  1. ^ Ridge, Mian (2009-10-29). "Maoists' hijacking of Indian train reveals new audacity". The Christian Science Monitor (The Christian Science Monitor). Retrieved 2009-12-14.
  2. ^ a b c d e "Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist)". South Asia Terrorism Portal. Institute for Conflict Management. Retrieved 2010-01-19.
  3. ^ Chhattisgarh state - Mining
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