INTERVIEW ‘Corporates Will Back Anyone Who Can Ease Profiteering’ The Rajya Sabha MP and CPI(M) politburo member on the state of politics today SABA NAQVI, PANINI ANAND INTERVIEW SITARAM YECHURY

TRIBHUVAN TIWARI

INTERVIEW

'Corporates Will Back Anyone Who Can Ease Profiteering'

The Rajya Sabha MP and CPI(M) politburo member on the state of politics today

SABA NAQVI, PANINI ANAND INTERVIEW SITARAM YECHURY

At a time when Narendra Modi is making his presence felt from New Delhi to Cal­cutta and the talk of a non-Congress, non-BJP front has also taken off, the Left, once central to any such initiative, appears to be a non-player. Saba Naqvi and Panini Anand spoke to Rajya Sabha MP and CPI(M) politburo member Sitaram Yechury about the state of politics today and the Left's scope for action. Excerpts:

How do you read the state of politics  today and the Left's role in it?

The country needs a non-BJP, non-Congress alternative. But past experience shows that such alternatives are often formed just for the sake of coming into office. So that's not going to help unless we have an alternative policy proposal. That is why we are saying we are going to join hands only on the basis of a programme. We know this is a very difficult job. There are inconsistencies in many regional parties but I have not lost hope because there is tremendous discontent at the ground level. In 40 years of politics, I have never seen such disconnect between ground realities and the disco­urse at the top level. People want relief from this. I think this will put pressure on all regional parties. We are not only hoping for this, we are working on this.

The corporate sector is lobbying rather openly for Modi....

This is not something new. Whenever there is a serious economic crisis, there is a rightward shift in politics and ind­ustry cries for a 'strong leader' who is able to deliver for them. If you look into history, look at the support the German ind­ustry lent Hitler. He was actually projected as the messiah of capitalism and, for a short while, it worked well.

So you are suggesting that big business has shifted support from the Congress to BJP and Modi?

No, it's a section of them who have done so. There is a feeling in the corporate sector that time for 'decisive' action has come. That means they'll back anyone who can put down the people and let them earn profits. Be it mines, land acq­uisition, anything. They keep harping on the many clearances requ­ired to do business in India. What they mean by decisiveness is someone who eases profit-making. Modi is hoping to exploit that. That's why he is going to all these forums like FICCI, CII and so on.

Can you recall business chambers promoting anyone else on this scale?

No, I don't think so. But one should not forget that this is sort of a designed campaign. This is a new kind of corporate campaign; it's closer to the US presidential elections model. And they are very careful about it; the selection of target audience, where to go, whom to talk to, what to say, the style of saying things and selection of issues.

Do you see a link to the India Shining campaign of 2004?

In 2004, the feelgood factor and NDA's India Shining plank was also a reflection of their disconnect with real India. This is one thing you can again see in Modi's campaign. I'm hoping this time the disconnect is larger. Another important thing is the irr­econcilable  contradiction between the BJP's capacity to attract allies and its own growth based on Hindutva. The stronger one becomes, the weaker the other becomes. It was only A.B. Vajpayee who understood this.

What do you think about the current state of the Congress?

"This is a new kind of corporate campaign, a carefully designed one that's closer to the US presidential poll model."

They're driven by their own agenda. One goal is to keep everyone confused; that's part of the plan. Then the PM hopes that in six months the economy will be in a better condition through foreign excha­nge inflows, which would pump up the Sensex. They hope for a feelgood factor, though nothing will change in actual terms. Then they have three agendas to imp­lement before the elections: the right to food bill; direct cash transfer—which is a meani­ngless and disastrous proposal (though put­­ting money in voters' hands works well on election eve); and then the land acq­uisition bill. We have sugge­s­ted a system where the compensation would be higher and landowners would remain stakeholders in the pro­fit on that piece of land for some time. According to my reading, this is their plan.

Is it going to be RaGa vs NaMo?

There is a lovely saying in Telugu: Aalu ledu choolu ledu, koduku peru Som­a­lingam, which means 'I don't have a home, I don't have a wife but my son's name is Somalingam'! So they have alr­eady named their sons. What else can one say? I also believe the elections will take place on time, not early.

Was it a mistake to support the UPA in 2004 or pull out in 2008?

That was what the country required and I think we succeeded in bri­n­ging back  focus on the people's agenda. The forest rights act, loan waiver sch­eme, Right to Information and NREGA were achieved when we were supporting UPA. Hones­tly, if Sonia Gandhi and the NAC didn't support us on those, nothing would've worked. Withdrawal was also not a mistake. We had no choice. We said we support you on the basis of the CMP. The moment you deviate from it, don't take our support for granted. The Indo-US nuclear deal wasn't part of CMP, nor was it something we'd have agreed on. There were two sections within the government; one wanted us to remain, the other wanted us to go so that they could have a free run on the economic front.

If a possibility of UPA-III emerges, will you support them?

That's up to them. Our support will dep­end entirely on the programme they'll come up with.

The numbers have changed for you; does Mamata Banerjee now become a problem for you vis-a-vis any role the Left can play in the future?

Of course she is a problem for us, but people are already turning against her. The problems in a third front option arise not because of us, but others. The Samajwadi Party is an example; regi­o­nal parties also have inconsistencies.

Why is there such a dominance of upper castes in the Left?

Look at the state-level committees and the party's students unions; a majority of them come from backward and Dalit communities. So things are changing. We don't believe in symbolic change, where one face is projected and the rea­lity remains unchanged. This is a serious problem in the sense that we don't have this in our consciousness.

"The problems in a third front are not because of us. Regional parties also have their inconsistencies. The SP is one such example."

Once I and Kanshi Ram were holding a public meeting at the same place. He asked why there wasn't a single Dalit minister in the West Bengal governm­ent. I was shocked, so I said let me find out. I discovered many Dalits and tribals. Kanti Biswas was the education minister for many years in West Bengal. I had no idea he was Dalit. We used to travel all across the country in the same coupe. I did not know he was Dalit till Kanshi Ram asked this. The point was these things were never a part of our consciousness. Unf­or­tunately, ins­tead of raising the country's level to mine, where I, a Brahmin, did not even know I am in the same carriage as a Dalit, we had to stoop down to the Kanshi Ram level. We are doing it now.

Would you agree, you can't be intellectually arrogant and be the centre of an alliance?

(Laughs) That is for you to see. But I agree we have to reach out, and we are.

Do you see yourself as the Comrade Surjeet of your generation?

I'll do what the party asks me to do.

TRIBHUVAN TIWARI INTERVIEW 'Corporates Will Back Anyone Who Can Ease Profiteering' The Rajya Sabha MP and CPI(M) politburo member on the state of politics today SABA NAQVI, PANINI ANAND INTERVIEW SITARAM YECHURY COMMENTS PRINT MORE SHARING SERVICESSHARE ON FACEBOOKSHARE ON PINTEREST_SHARESHARE ON TWITTERSHARE ON EMAIL TEXT SIZE    ALSO IN THIS STORY    At a time when Narendra Modi is making his presence felt from New Delhi to Cal­cutta and the talk of a non-Congress, non-BJP front has also taken off, the Left, once central to any such initiative, appears to be a non-player. Saba Naqvi and Panini Anand spoke to Rajya Sabha MP and CPI(M) politburo member Sitaram Yechury about the state of politics today and the Left's scope for action. Excerpts: How do you read the state of politics  today and the Left's role in it? The country needs a non-BJP, non-Congress alternative. But past experience shows that such alternatives are often formed just for the sake of coming into office. So that's not going to help unless we have an alternative policy proposal. That is why we are saying we are going to join hands only on the basis of a programme. We know this is a very difficult job. There are inconsistencies in many regional parties but I have not lost hope because there is tremendous discontent at the ground level. In 40 years of politics, I have never seen such disconnect between ground realities and the disco­urse at the top level. People want relief from this. I think this will put pressure on all regional parties. We are not only hoping for this, we are working on this. The corporate sector is lobbying rather openly for Modi.... This is not something new. Whenever there is a serious economic crisis, there is a rightward shift in politics and ind­ustry cries for a 'strong leader' who is able to deliver for them. If you look into history, look at the support the German ind­ustry lent Hitler. He was actually projected as the messiah of capitalism and, for a short while, it worked well. So you are suggesting that big business has shifted support from the Congress to BJP and Modi? No, it's a section of them who have done so. There is a feeling in the corporate sector that time for 'decisive' action has come. That means they'll back anyone who can put down the people and let them earn profits. Be it mines, land acq­uisition, anything. They keep harping on the many clearances requ­ired to do business in India. What they mean by decisiveness is someone who eases profit-making. Modi is hoping to exploit that. That's why he is going to all these forums like FICCI, CII and so on. Can you recall business chambers promoting anyone else on this scale? No, I don't think so. But one should not forget that this is sort of a designed campaign. This is a new kind of corporate campaign; it's closer to the US presidential elections model. And they are very careful about it; the selection of target audience, where to go, whom to talk to, what to say, the style of saying things and selection of issues. Do you see a link to the India Shining campaign of 2004? In 2004, the feelgood factor and NDA's India Shining plank was also a reflection of their disconnect with real India. This is one thing you can again see in Modi's campaign. I'm hoping this time the disconnect is larger. Another important thing is the irr­econcilable  contradiction between the BJP's capacity to attract allies and its own growth based on Hindutva. The stronger one becomes, the weaker the other becomes. It was only A.B. Vajpayee who understood this. What do you think about the current state of the Congress?     "This is a new kind of corporate campaign, a carefully designed one that's closer to the US presidential poll model."     They're driven by their own agenda. One goal is to keep everyone confused; that's part of the plan. Then the PM hopes that in six months the economy will be in a better condition through foreign excha­nge inflows, which would pump up the Sensex. They hope for a feelgood factor, though nothing will change in actual terms. Then they have three agendas to imp­lement before the elections: the right to food bill; direct cash transfer—which is a meani­ngless and disastrous proposal (though put­­ting money in voters' hands works well on election eve); and then the land acq­uisition bill. We have sugge­s­ted a system where the compensation would be higher and landowners would remain stakeholders in the pro­fit on that piece of land for some time. According to my reading, this is their plan. Is it going to be RaGa vs NaMo? There is a lovely saying in Telugu: Aalu ledu choolu ledu, koduku peru Som­a­lingam, which means 'I don't have a home, I don't have a wife but my son's name is Somalingam'! So they have alr­eady named their sons. What else can one say? I also believe the elections will take place on time, not early. Was it a mistake to support the UPA in 2004 or pull out in 2008? That was what the country required and I think we succeeded in bri­n­ging back  focus on the people's agenda. The forest rights act, loan waiver sch­eme, Right to Information and NREGA were achieved when we were supporting UPA. Hones­tly, if Sonia Gandhi and the NAC didn't support us on those, nothing would've worked. Withdrawal was also not a mistake. We had no choice. We said we support you on the basis of the CMP. The moment you deviate from it, don't take our support for granted. The Indo-US nuclear deal wasn't part of CMP, nor was it something we'd have agreed on. There were two sections within the government; one wanted us to remain, the other wanted us to go so that they could have a free run on the economic front. If a possibility of UPA-III emerges, will you support them? That's up to them. Our support will dep­end entirely on the programme they'll come up with. The numbers have changed for you; does Mamata Banerjee now become a problem for you vis-a-vis any role the Left can play in the future? Of course she is a problem for us, but people are already turning against her. The problems in a third front option arise not because of us, but others. The Samajwadi Party is an example; regi­o­nal parties also have inconsistencies. Why is there such a dominance of upper castes in the Left? Look at the state-level committees and the party's students unions; a majority of them come from backward and Dalit communities. So things are changing. We don't believe in symbolic change, where one face is projected and the rea­lity remains unchanged. This is a serious problem in the sense that we don't have this in our consciousness.     "The problems in a third front are not because of us. Regional parties also have their inconsistencies. The SP is one such example."     Once I and Kanshi Ram were holding a public meeting at the same place. He asked why there wasn't a single Dalit minister in the West Bengal governm­ent. I was shocked, so I said let me find out. I discovered many Dalits and tribals. Kanti Biswas was the education minister for many years in West Bengal. I had no idea he was Dalit. We used to travel all across the country in the same coupe. I did not know he was Dalit till Kanshi Ram asked this. The point was these things were never a part of our consciousness. Unf­or­tunately, ins­tead of raising the country's level to mine, where I, a Brahmin, did not even know I am in the same carriage as a Dalit, we had to stoop down to the Kanshi Ram level. We are doing it now. Would you agree, you can't be intellectually arrogant and be the centre of an alliance? (Laughs) That is for you to see. But I agree we have to reach out, and we are. Do you see yourself as the Comrade Surjeet of your generation? I'll do what the party asks me to do. COMMENTS PRINT MORE SHARING SERVICESSHARE ON FACEBOOKSHARE ON PINTEREST_SHARESHARE ON TWITTERSHARE ON EMAIL TEXT SIZE    FILED IN:  AUTHORS:  SABA NAQVI | PANINI ANAND  PEOPLE:  SITARAM YECHURY | NARENDRA MODI | RAHUL GANDHI | MAMATA BANERJEE  TAGS:  LEFT FRONT | CPI-M | INDIAN POLITY | POLITICS | INDIA INC | UPA | NDA | RICH |CORRUPTION | DEMOCRACY | LEFT | DALITS  SECTION:  NATIONAL  SUBSECTION:  INTERVIEWS | COVER STORIES Follow us on Twitter for all updates, like us on Facebook for important and fun stuff TRANSLATE INTO: Select LanguageAfrikaansAlbanianArabicArmenianAzerbaijaniBasqueBelarusianBengaliBulgarianCatalanChinese (Simplified)Chinese (Traditional)CroatianCzechDanishDutchEsperantoEstonianFilipinoFinnishFrenchGalicianGeorgianGermanGreekGujaratiHaitian CreoleHebrewHindiHungarianIcelandicIndonesianIrishItalianJapaneseKannadaKoreanLaoLatinLatvianLithuanianMacedonianMalayMalteseNorwegianPersianPolishPortugueseRomanianRussianSerbianSlovakSlovenianSpanishSwahiliSwedishTamilTeluguThaiTurkishUkrainianUrduVietnameseWelshYiddish Powered by Translate ALSO IN THIS STORY    BUSINESS & POLITICS The Chamber State The FICCI-CII rallies have replaced grassroots ones. 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